This copy typed by Alan R. Scott Jan - Dec 2000 and proofed by Carol A. Scott Dec 2000, both descendents of James Fontaine. A printed copy is available from the Fontaine Maury Society

A

TALE OF THE HUGUENOTS

OR

MEMOIRS OF A

FRENCH REFUGEE FAMILY

TRANSLATED AND COMPILED FROM THE

ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS

OF

JAMES FONTAINE

BY

ONE OF HIS DESCENDANTS.

WITH AN INTRODUCTION
BY
F.L. HAWKES, D. D.

Showing to the generations to come the praises of the Lord, and his strength, that they should make them known to their children; That they might set their hope in God, and not forget the works of God, but keep his commandments.--Psalm 78.

NEW YORK:
JOHN S. TAYLOR,
THEOLOGICAL AND SUNDAY SCHOOL BOOKSELLER,
Corner of Park Row and Spruce Street.
...............................................................................................
1838.



ENTERED
According to Act of Congress, in the year 1838. by
JOHN S. TAYLOR,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Southem District of
NEW YORK

DEDICATION.

To the two thousand descendants of the exemplary Christian whose eventful life forms the chief subject of the following pages, and who are now living in the United Sates of America, this work is affectionately inscribed by their kinswoman.



INTRODUCTION.


The history of the little work now in the reader's hands, is briefly this. Among the private documents, belonging to one of the most respectable families under the parochial charge of the present writer, there has long been preserved, with pious care, a manuscript autobiography of one of its ancestors, who, as a persecuted Huguenot, endured much for the sake of his faith. It was the labour of his latter days to prepare for his descendants the record alluded to, as a memorial of his gratitude for the Providence that had sustained him in many dangers and trials, and as an admonition to his posterity to adhere to the faith for which their forefathers hazarded life. The work, which extended to several hundred pages, was written in the French language, and without any view to publication.

In the friendly confidence growing out of parochial relations, the existence of this manuscript became known to the writer of this introduction. Curiosity led to its examination; the strange and interesting nature of the incidents it recorded, related as they were with unpretending simplicity, soon fixed his attention. It struck him as being a vivid picture of by-gone times sketched by an honest eye witness; and the page of past history thus illustrated was not the least interesting in the records of Protestantism.

There was also, as it seemed to the writer, many an useful lesson to be gathered from the leading events of the story. Independent of the spirit of piety that pervaded the book, and of the testimony it afforded to the doctrine of God's providential care of the christian, who in humble faith cast all his care upon Him, there were valuable lessons of wisdom, applicable to "the life that now is;" and it was thought that youth might here find an example worthy of its imitation.

Here was the spectacle of a man, accustomed in his early days to the enjoyments of a competent estate, and educated accordingly, who, for conscience sake, resisting the oppression and persecution of himself and his countrymen with indomitable courage, was, at last stripped of all, and obliged to abandon his country. An exile in a strange land, ignorant of its language, unaccustomed to manual labour, and with the refinement of feeling belonging to his education and former rank in society; he felt that he was thrown upon his energies as a man, and nobly girding himself to the work before him, he trusted in his Maker, and proved that if true to God and true to himself, man need never despair.

He who had enjoyed the case of affluence, and found occupation and delight in the pursuit of letters, accommodating himself to his altered situation becomes an artizan and works at his trade; and soon by his science, observation and industry, distances all his companions of the same craft. Persecuted out of his calling, because he had been guilty of success in it; with a perseverance accustomed to remove obstacles, he finds another occupation, and again directing all his faculties to his business, he again succeeds. More than once losing his all, he yet never desponds, but sets about retrieving his losses with the willing industry of one who never knew a reverse of fortune. In the midst of all this, he finds time to train his family in the fear of God, devises means to educate them for respectable callings, and lives to see some of them among the first and most esteemed ministers of the Gospel in Virginia.

The example of such a man is surely a lesson for youth. Now a scholar, and now a manufacturer; now a civilian, and now a soldier, he may be seen, at one time enjoying letters, and at another, labouring with his hands for bread; on one day he will be found asserting the rights of the oppressed before the courts of the oppressors; and on another he is withstanding a siege. In all situations, he bears himself with the noble spirit that becomes a man for he never loses his great trust in God, nor his proper confidence in himself.

It has been remarked more than once that this country has never had better citizens in it than the Huguenots and their descendants. The instances are rare indeed in which one of that stock, has been charged with crime before the tribunals of the land. The descendants of the man, a sketch of whose biography is in the reader's hands, only confirm the truth of these observations. Many hundreds of them are now among our countrymen. Some of them have been, some now are, clergymen of worth and usefulness, some have been at the bar, some in the halls of legislation, some in important public offices and we have yet to learn the name of that one who has disgraced himself, his ancestry, or his country.

These, and kindred reflections passing through the writer's mind induced him to believe that extracts might be made from the manuscript before him, worthy of publication, and he made a suggestion to one of the members of the family to prepare the work. In proposing the measure, he had in view chiefly the benefit of the young, though he thought the book would have interest for all. His suggestion was adopted, upon the condition that he would explain the circumstances connected with the publication, and would assure its readers of the authenticity of the story. Having done the first, he has only to state further that it is a veritable narrative, and as such has long been preserved in the family of one of our worthiest countrymen. If in its perusal, some of the events related should appear to others, as they did to the writer, of an unusual character, let it be remembered that their truth makes their strangeness more striking still; and serves to show that real life sometimes imbodies adventures, little, if at all, inferior to those found on the pages of fictitious narrative.

Rectory of St. Thomas N.Y.} F.L. Hawks.
August, 1st. 1838



CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.

Reasons for writing these memoirs--Noble origin of our family--John de la Fontaine born--Obtains a commission in the household of Francis I.--Embraces Protestantism--Persecution of Protestants--January Edict -- John de la Fontaine resigns his commission--His assassination --Flight of his three sons--Arrival at Rochelle--Charitable reception --Marriage of James de la Fontaine--Attempt to poison him--Application for pardon to Henry IV.

CHAPTER II

James Fontaine--Fond of study--Travels as tutor to a young nobleman -- Called to the churches of Vaux and Royan--Marries an English lady--Second marriage--His personal appearance--Habit--Labors in the ministry--Capuchins and Jesuits come to hear him preach--Summoned to appear before the governor for preaching on the ruins of the Church--A second summons--Anticipation of future persecution--Death.

CHAPTER III.

My birth--Lameness--Imitation of my fathers prayers--Meditations upon the heavenly bodies--Sent to school--Disgusted with study--Letter to sister--Mr. de la Bussiere--Admirable preceptor--Eccentric man--Enter college--Take degree of Master of Arts--My mother's death--Division of property.

CHAPTER IV

Study with Mr. Forestier--His persecutions--His wife's firmnes--Return home--Pray with neighbors--Leave the neighbourhood at Easter--Poor people assemble in the woods--A spy watches them--Warrants issued--A mason taken up--He recants--His repentance--My return home--Warrant against me--Determine to remain and wait the issue--Grand Provost and archers appear--Conducted to prison--Obtain permission to pray night and morning in prison.

CHAPTER V

Provost and archers make another tour--Firmness of the poor country people--Twenty brought to prison--Supplied with necessaries by Protestants of Saintes--Attempt to shake their faith--Precaution in anticipation of separation--Indictment against me--Confrontation -- Recollement--Examination of witnesses--Agoust--Two criminals -- Gaoler--Gaoler's wife--Apply to the seneschal for enlagement -- Accusation of King's advocate--Placed in a dungeon--Removed to the Town Hall-- Proposal to regain freedom by bribery.

CHAPTER VI.

Trial before the Presidency--A digression--My defence--Angry discussion with the President--Query--My reply--Sentence.

CHAPTER VII.

Appeal to Parliament--Copy of factum--President's observation upon it--Sentence reverse--Register refuses copy of the decree--Apply for redress--Return home.

CHAPTER VIII.

Persecution of 1685--Meeting of ministers and elders--My opinion opposed to the majority--Meeting of Protestants at Royan--Mr. Certani dissuades numbers from emigration--Interview with him--Gloomy forebodings -- Departure of many persons--Dragoons appear--Leave home--Visit sisters-- Traverse the country--Place betrothed in safety.

CHAPTER IX.

Revocation of Edict of Nantes--Preparations for flight--Difficulties and dangers--Land in England--Cheap bread--Speculate in grain--Cruelty of a ship Captain.

CHAPTER X

Singular proposal from a lady--Marriage--Mode of living--Remove to Bridgwater--Assistance from Committee--Why discontinued--Application for relief--Unkind treatment--Receive Holy Orders-- Attempt to recover property in France.

CHAPTER XI.

Remove to Taunton--Keep a shop--Manufactory--Very prosperous--Summoned before the Mayor--Defence--Recorder's speech--Discharge.

CHAPTER XII

Revolution of 1688--Landing of the Dutch--Unexpected visitor--Soldiers billeted upon me--Retire from business--Endeavour to make calimancoes-- Profit upon them--Instruct a crippled weaver-- Secret discovered--Visit Dublin and Cork--Shipwreck--Place sons in Holland-- Increase of family.

CHAPTER XIII.

Arrival at Cork--Enter upon pastoral duties--Manufactory--Great happiness--Dissension in the church--Resignation--Copy of certificate-- Remarkable warning by a dream--Visit fishing stations--Death of Aaron-- Turn fisherman--Remove to Bear Haven--Loss of the Robert--Bad season-- Trading voyage--Success in fishing--Loss by mismanagement of partners-- Troublesome Irish neighbours.

CHAPTER XIV.

Attacked by a French Privateer--Defence--Letter to the Duke of Ormond-- Ammunition furnished by government--Build a small fort--Visit Dublin-- London--Obtain a pension--Copy of warrant-- Return home.

CHAPTER XV.

Attacked by a second Privateer--Outhouses fired--Breach in the wall-- Wounded--Surrender--Carried away as a prisoner--Expostulate with captain--Ransomed--Peter left as a hostage--His deportment.

CHAPTER XVI.

Affidavit before Magistrates--Retaliation on French prisoners--Removal to Dublin--Hire a haunted house--Claim compensation from the county of Cork--Disturbance in haunted house--School-- Education of children-- Peter goes to College--John obtains a commission in the army--Moses and Francis enter college--Moses studies law--Emigration to America-- Marriage of children--My wife's death--Failure of health--Conclusion.


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TALE OF
THE
HUGUENOTS

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CHAPTER I.

Reasons for writing these memoirs--Noble origin of our family--John de la Fontaine born--Obtains a commission in the household of Francis I.-- Embraces Protestantism--Persecution of Protestants-- January Edict -- John de la Fontaine resigns his commission--His assassination--Flight of his three sons--Arrival at Rochelle--Charitable reception--Marriage of James de la Fontaine--Attempt to poison him--Application for pardon to Henry IV.


My dear children,

Having observed the deep interest you have taken in all that has befallen your ancestors, when I have related their adventures to you, I am induced to write down their history for your use, to the end that the pious examples of those from whom we derive our origin may not be lost to you, or those who succeed you.

I trust that it may be the means of engaging you to dedicate yourselves wholly and unreservedly to the service of that God whom they worshipped at the risk of their lives, and to be stedfast in the profession of that pure faith for which they suffered the severest hardships with unshaken constancy. And also that you may admire the watchful and wonderful providences of God exerted in supporting and preserving them through every trial. Indeed, without looking beyond the compass of your own memories, you may recall numberless instances of the providential care of that same God "whose hand is not shortened."

For my own part, I trust that the making of this retrospect may be attended with great benefit, bringing before me the frailties and sins of each age and condition of my past life, and making me humble myself before the throne of grace, and with trembling pray for pardon through the mediation of my Blessed Saviour: and by the assistance of the Holy Spirit, I may hope for more watchfulness and circumspection for the time to come. And when I review the uncommon, innumerable, and unmerited mercies I have received through the whole course of my life, I hope my gratitude will be increased towards my Almighty benefactor, and surely I shall be encouraged to put my whole trust in him for the future. If I owe such a debt of gratitude for the things of this life, its comforts and conveniences, how incalculably great must it be for his mercy to my immortal soul, shedding the blood of his only begotten Son for my redemption. Oh my God! I entreat thee to continue thy goodness during the few days that may yet remain to me, and at last receive my soul. Amen.

Before proceeding to the history, I should mention that our name was originally De la Fontaine, and not Fontaine. My father, from motives of humility was the first to cut off the De la, an indication of nobility; my older brothers wished to resume it, but he would not consent, having a large family and little property; for you must know that in France no one of noble family can engage in trade or the mechanic arts without forfeiting his claim to nobility.

The father of my great grandfather, who was a nobleman, could not bear the thought of bringing up his children without employment, according to the usual custom, and therefore placed his son in the King's service.

It is with this John De la Fontaine that I commence these annals, he being the first of whom I have any accurate knowledge.

He was born in the province of Maine, about the year 1500, and as soon as he was old enough to bear arms, his father procured him a commission in what was then called "Les ordonnances du Roi" in the household of Francis I. It was in the tenth or twelfth year of this monarch's reign that he entered his service, and he conducted himself so honourably and uprightly, that even after his father and himself had embraced Protestantism at its first preaching in 1535, he remained in the same situation, and continued there during the reigns of Henry II., Francis II., and until the second year of Charles IX. He married, and had at least four sons, when he retired from a service in which he had remained so long, only as a sort of safe-guard from persecution. The king's officers were protected by right of their office; and our ancestor, it would appear, was much beloved by all his Juniors in the service, which made the Roman Catholic party afraid to meddle with him, though at the same time they thirsted for his blood, not only on account of his exemplary piety, but of the exercise of a power his office conferred upon him, and which he had freely used, of assisting the poor Protestants, many of whom he had shielded from persecution. From the year 1534 to April 1598, when Henry IV granted the edict of Nantes, the professors of the pure faith were continually subjected to every variety of injustice and cruelty, as you have read in the history of France.*

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* Open hostilities were occasioned by an event which occurred at the little town of Vassy, in Champagne, in the year 1562. The Protestants were engaged in prayer outside the walls, in conformity with the king's edict, when the Duke of Guise approached. Some of his suit insulted the worshippers, and from insults they proceeded to blows, and the Duke himself was accidentally wounded in the cheek. The sight of his blood enraged his followers, and a general massacre of the inhabitants of Vassy ensued; the report of this roused the suffering Huguenots throughout the kingdom, and a savage and bloody war followed, during which, Anthony of Bourbon, king of Navarre fell fighting in the Catholic ranks, leaving a son eight years old, the future Henry IV., that great supporter of the Protestant cause. The constable Montmorency was taken prisoner, and the Duke of Guise slain; thus the Catholics were without a leader. The Prince of Conde being also a prisoner, and the Protestant Coligny the only chief remaining on either side, an accommodation appeared indispensable, and in March, 1563 an edict was granted which allowed the Huguenots to worship within the towns they were possessed of up to that day. This permission led some of the Bishops and other clergy who had embraced Protestantism, to celebrate divine worship in the cathedrals, according to the rites of the Reformed Church; such an extension of the meaning of the edict had never been contemplated, and it was soon modified by a declaration that ancient cathedrals should in no case be used as Protestant churches.

Another edict was passed very shortly, which imposed greater restrictions, and the Huguenots, finding that they were likely to lose by edicts all that they had wrested from the king by the sword, prepared to take up arms again, and in, l567 another struggle commenced, which, with a very short interval of peace, lasted until 1570, when a treaty was concluded upon terms so favourable to the Huguenots as to excite some suspicion in their minds that all was not right. They were to have liberty of conscience, and their worship was allowed in all the towns they had held during the war, and they were permitted to retain and garrison Rochelle, Montauban, Cognac, and La Charite, as guaranties for the observance of the treaty.

All had now the appearance of peace, but it was the delusive calm which precedes a storm; vengeance was preparing, and the massacre of St. Bartholomew's day followed, with all its horrors, which are too well known to need repetition. The number of Huguenots slaughtered, has been estimated at 50,000, those who survived were for a moment paralysed by the blow, and the Catholics themselves seemed stupified with shame and remorse. Charles was as one struck by avenging retribution, he became restless, sullen, and dejected, and laboured under a slow fever to the day of his death. He tried to excuse his perfidy on the plea of its having been necessary for self-preservation, and he sent instructions to his ambassador in England to give such an explanation to queen Elizabeth. Hume speaking of this interview, says, "Nothing could be more awful and affecting than his audience. A melancholy sorrow sat on every face: silence as in the dead of night, reigned through all the chambers of the royal apartment; the courtiers and ladies clad in deep mourning were ranged on each side, and allowed him to pass without affording him one salute or favourable look, till he was admitted to the queen herself."

The lives of the young Prince of Conde and Henry of Navarre had been spared, on condition of becoming Catholics, a condition to which they merely pretended to accede, as both attempted to escape from Paris immediately afterwards; Conde alone was successful, and placed himself at the head of the Huguenots; and this sect which Charles had hoped to exterminate at one blow soon mustered an army of 18,000 men, and they had kept possession of Rochelle and Montauban, besides many castles, fortresses, and smaller towns. Thus Charles, and Catherine his mother, gained nothing by their infamous treachery, but a character for perfidy and cruelty which has been unequalled in the annals of history.

After the death of Charles IX. the condition of the Huguenots was ever changing; they were frequently in the field, and when successful obtained favourable edicts, which were broken as soon as they laid down their arms, and then they would resume them, and fight until their success gained fresh concessions.

In 1576 the Catholic League was formed, having for its main object the exclusion from the throne of France of Henry of Narvarre, who was next heir to Henry III, the reigning monarch. War was carried on between the League and the Huguenots until 1594, five years after the death of Henry III., when Henry IV. from motives of policy united himself to the Catholic Church and was thereupon generally recognized as the legitimate monarch. He still felt favourably disposed towards his old friends, and in 1598 granted the celebrated edict of Nantes, which allowed them to worship in freedom in all towns where their creed was the prevailing one. They were to pay the regular tithe to the established Church but were permitted to raise money for their own clergy, and to hold meetings of their representatives for church-governmcnt. In all law suits Protestants were to have the privilege of one half the judges being of their own faith, and several towns were left in their possession for a limited time as a surety. The parliament objected to registering this edict, but the king was resolute, and finally overcame their obstinacy.

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These persecutions were carried on with some of the forms of law, the gallows were erected and the fires were kindled, not to support the law, but in order to extinguish, if possible, the very name of Protestant. The means adopted, however, had frequently an opposite effect and increased the followers of the true faith. The martyrs by their constancy, proved, in many cases, the instruments which God made use of to open the eyes of the papists, and it was no uncommon occurrence to see those who had aided in the destruction of others rush to the same martyrdom themselves.

In some provinces, the Protestants irritated beyond endurance took up arms, not against their monarch, but their persecutors; and this led to an Edict of Pacification, granted on the 17th of January 1562, commonly called the January Edict,* Charles IX being yet in his minority. The Protestants believing this to be in good faith very generally laid down their arms; and John De la Fontaine resigned his commission, seeing himself now protected by law in the exercise of his religion, he felt that he had no more occasion for his military profession than for a buckler in time of profound peace. He made a great mistake in arriving at this conclusion; the change was decidedly for the worse; whereas, heretofore proceedings had been open, and with a shadow of justice founded upon the king's proclamation against Heretics, now all was secret, no use was made of judge or prison, every miserable wretch who pleased, became at once judge and executioner. Armed miscreants broke into the houses of the Protestants at midnight, committing robbery and murder, and they were encouraged in their atrocities by priests, monks, and bigots, who made them much the same promise that the Sanhedrin of Jerusalem did to the city watch. "If this comes to the governor's ears, we will persuade him and secure you." No enquiry or examination was ever made into these acts, and thus the Protestants were again obliged to resort to arms to repel nocturnal insult, guard and treachery.

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*The famous January edict granted tolerance to the Huguenots so far as to permit them to assemble outside the walls of towns.

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Some of the sworn enemies of God and his Gospel who had long watched John De la Fontaine, and conceived a deep hatred against him, thought the time had now arrived, (he having laid down his commission,) when they might safely put him out of the way; and such a man being got rid of, that it would be comparatively easy to disperse the rest of the congregation to which he belonged.

It was in the year 1563 that some of these ruffians were despatched from the city of Le Mans in search of him; and in the night time, when he least expected such a fate, he was dragged out of doors and his throat cut; his wife within a few weeks of her confinement, had followed him, hoping by her entreaties to save his life, but she shared the same fate, as did also a valet, who strove to assist his master. Oh my children! let us never forget that the blood of martyrs flows in our veins! And God in his infinite mercy grant that the remembrance may enliven our faith, so that we prove not unworthy scions from so noble a stock.

The goodness of God, whose providence generally bestows especial favours upon the children of those who freely shed their blood in his service, preserved the lives of three sons of these glorious martyrs.

James De la Fontaine, my grandfather, then about thirteen or fourteen years old, with Abraham, two years his junior, and another brother still younger, deaf from the bloody scene, full of horror and consternation, without a guide save the providence of God, and no aim but to get as far as possible from the barbarians, who had in one moment deprived them of both father and mother. They did not stop until they reached Rochelle, then a very safe place for Protestants, containing as it did, within its walls, many faithful servants of the living God. These poor lads were actually begging their bread when they arrived there, and were without any recommendation but their appearance. They were fair and handsome, as I have been told; and appeared to have had good breeding. Some of the inhabitants were moved with compassion, and gave them food and shelter for the little services they were capable of performing. A charitable shoemaker, who feared God and was in easy circumstances, received James into his house, and into his affections also, and taught him his trade. This you will observe was no time for pride, or to stand upon titles to nobility, but rather to return thanks to God who had given him the power to earn his bread by the labor of his hands. It was not long before he was in receipt of sufficient wages to support his younger brothers. They all three lived poorly enough, until James reached manhood; he then entered upon commercial pursuits, and his career afterwards was comparatively prosperous. In the year 1603 he married, and had two daughters and one son, (my father,) who was named James, after himself. He married again, but had no addition to his family; and better would it have been for him had he remained a widower, for his last wife attempted to poison him, and though unsuccessful, medical aid being promptly obtained, the affair became too notorious to be hushed up, and she was carried to prison, tried, and condemned to death. It so happened that Henry IV was then at Rochelle, and application was made to him for a pardon; he said before he granted it he must see the husband she had been so anxious to get rid of, (I suppose to judge from his appearance whether there was any excuse for her,) and when my grandfather appeared before him, he cried out, "Let her be hanged, let her be hanged, ventre saint gris!* he is the handsomest man in my kingdom." I have seen his picture, and it certainly did represent him as a handsome man. He died in the year 1633, and left his family some 9000 livres.

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*The accustomed oath of Henry IV
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CHAPTER II.


James Fontaine--Fond of study--Travels as tutor to a young nobleman-- Called to the churches of Vaux and Royan--Marries an English lady-- Second marriage--His personal appearance--Habits--Labors in the ministry--Capuchins and Jesuits come to hear him preach--Summoned to appear before the governor for preaching on the ruins of the church--A second summons--Anticipation of future persecution --Death.


I now proceed to my own father, who at an early age discovered great aptitude for study, and a very serious turn of mind. He was fortunate in gaining the friendship of Mr. Merlin, a minister at Rochelle, and this worthy servant of God assisted him greatly in his education, and recommended him as tutor to a near relation of the Countess of Royan, in which station he accompanied his pupil to the College of Saumur, and while superintending his studies there, completed his own preparation for the ministry.

Before entering on the sacred office, he travelled with this youth through various countries, and thus had the opportunity of acquiring several foreign languages in perfection. They made a long stay in London, and there my father fell in love with a very beautiful girl of the name of Thompson. She was of good family, well educated, spoke the French language with fluency, and played well on the spinette. They exchanged vows and portraits, and he returned to France with his young lord.

No sooner had he arrived than he received a call from the united churches of Vaux and Royan, and he was settled there by the authority of the synod; and from the very first he was most tenderly beloved by his charge. At the end of a year, he asked and obtained permission to go to London, to fetch her who had all this time held his heart captive, and who was herself faithfully waiting for him. They were married in the year 1628, my father being about twenty-five years of age. They lived together twelve years, and had several children.

In about a year after her death, my father married my mother, Mary Chaillon, of Rue au Roy, a village about a mile and a half distant from the town of Pons, in Saintonge. She was a handsome brunette, twelve years younger than her husband, and had a fortune of four thousand francs. During the life of his first wife, my father had lived in a small, inconvenient, ready-furnished house in the borough of Vaux. After his second marriage, he was persuaded by my mother to purchase a pretty little estate called Jenouille, and the manor of Jaffe near to it; he added some commodious apartments to the house, and made it a very comfortable and desirable residence. I was the youngest child of my parents, and have but little personal recollection of my father, being only eight years old when he died. He was a man of fine figure, clear complexion, pure red and white, and of so dignified a deportment that he commanded the respect of all with whom he came in contact. He was remarkably abstemious, living chiefly upon milk and vegetables until the decline of life, when, by the advice of his physician he went upon a more generous diet. He absented himself on festive occasions, but never failed to visit every family in his flock twice a year. The sick and afflicted were attended to as soon as their affliction was made known to him. When it was understood that he was praying with the sick, crowds would flock to hear him, filling the house; for you must know that in that district all were Protestants, save four or five families. He was most zealous and affectionate, and employed all his knowledge, his talents, and his studies in the service of God, and it was most gratifying to him to find his labors thus appreciated by his flock. He had great learning, quick and ready wit, clear and sonorous voice, natural and agreeable action, and he always made use of the most chaste and elegant language; and genuine humility crowning the whole, gave such a charm to his discourses that he delighted all who heard him.

I must mention an instance illustrative of his facility in preaching. On the afternoon of a communion Sunday, just after reading his text, which had been selected with reference to the services of the morning, he perceived some Capuchins and Jesuits entering the church; he paused--and addressing himself to his own people, he said, that the text he had at first taken was intended for the edification of those who, by the grace of God, were already well informed in the pure religion, but as these people were still in ignorance and superstition, he felt it a duty to leave the ninety and nine sheep, and endeavor to bring back the lost sheep to the fold. He then opened his Bible, and read a controversial text, and treated the subject with so much force and perspicuity, that the fathers were obliged to confess, on going out, that they never heard error (as they called it) so well defended.

When there was any difference between pastor and flock, he was usually the person appointed by the synod to go and endearour to heal the breach, and he was almost always successful, softening the hearts, and drawing tears from the eyes, of his auditors.

He was invited to take charge of the church at Rochelle, where the minister's salary was just twice as large as that which he received. He refused, for he had not the heart to abandon a flock by whom he was so tenderly beloved.

I have mentioned that he was pastor of the united churches of Vaux and Royan; and at the commencement of his ministry he preached in one church in the morning, and the other in the afternoon alternately, the distance between them being two short miles. After a time the church at Royan was pulled down, in conformity with an order in council, and my father persisted in preaching on the ruins. The governor was enraged when he heard of it, and summoned him to appear before him. My father defended himself on the plea of ancient privileges and liberties; to which the governor made answer, that he knew of no privilege or liberty to which a subject was entitled but such as had been granted to him by the king, the council, or the ancient laws, and that he had ascertained that this church had been erected without permission, (which was very true,) and therefore as its building had been an act of usurpation, its demolition could not be regarded as an arbitrary stretch of power, and surely there was no great hardship in his followers at Royan having the trouble to walk over to Vaux to hear him. This was unanswerable, so of course he had to acquiesce.

Soon after this, there was another order in council forbidding Protestant ministers to appear in their clerical robes in the streets; my father felt this as an indignity, and continued wearing his as heretofore. For this offence he was summoned a second time to appear before the governor. He went in his gown, and it so happened that the governor's wife was present at the examination, and she was so forcibly touched with the dignity and eloquence of his defence, that she persuaded her husband to permit him to continue wearing a garb to which he did so much honor.

Little vexatious trials of this sort perpetually occurring, led him to believe that a more serious persecution was not far distant, and he exerted all his energies to prepare his flock beforehand, that they might not fail when the day of trial should come. His instructions were most assuredly accompanied by the blessing of God, for, though his death took place full eighteen years before the great persecution, yet the influence he had exerted over his people lived after him, and there were very few parishes in which so large a proportion of the inhabitants left their homes as in Vaux and Royan, and I have reason to believe that of those who remained behind, many worshipped God in sincerity around their family altars, according to the true faith.

My father was as skilful in the ruling of his own household as of the church over which God had placed him. His favorite recreation was gardening, and it was in coming out of his garden in the year 1666 that he was seized with a fit of apoplexy, which proved fatal. You may well imagine how deeply and sincerely he was regretted by all, but I think to myself, though at the time unconscious of my loss, it was the most serious. Had it pleased the Almighty to prolong his days, what a guide and instructor he would have been to my youth.


CHAPTER III.

My birth--Lameness--Imitation of my father's prayers--Meditations upon the heavenly bodies-- Sent to school--Disgusted with study--Letter to sister--Mr. De la Bussiere--Admirable preceptor--Eccentric man--Enter college--Take degree of master of arts--My mother's death--Division of property.


I have now arrived at the history of my own life, which I shall give more in detail, as being more immediately interesting to you than those which have preceded it; and you will find a tissue of adventures, checquered with extremes of prosperity and adversity, but amidst all its varied joys and sorrows you cannot fail to discern the hand of Almighty God, whose good providence may be distinctly traced watching over me and making all things work together for my ultimate advantage.

I was born at Jenouille, on the 7th April, 1658. The first disaster which befell me proceeded from the carelessness of my nurse; she trusted me to her daughter, a young, and giddy girl, who played with me, tossing me in the air and catching me in her arms, until at last she missed, and I fell to the ground and broke my leg. The nurse, afraid to inform my parents, took me to an ignoramus of a surgeon, who pronounced that no harm had been done. The result to me has been lameness for life, my right leg being shorter, thinner, and much weaker than the other. I inherited something of the family beauty of face, and was of a very lively and inventive turn. When only four years old, I was so taken with my father's reading of the Scriptures, and praying with the family, that I had a fancy to imitate him, and calling together the servants and my sisters, I made them kneel down while I prayed. They gave my father such an account that he had a curiosity to be present also; I would not proceed unless he knelt down with the rest; and my mother has since told me that he was much affected by the earnestness of my manner, and discovering, as he thought, the germ of future talent and piety, he himself prayed heartily to God to preserve and bless one who evinced a zeal unusual among children. I was younger by seven years than any of my brothers and sisters, and this circumstance occasioned my being left much to myself, and I used to reflect a great deal; and some of my meditations in childhood being a little remarkable, I will not pass them by. You must bear in mind that my knowledge was derived from no book save the Holy Scriptures, which I hear my father read daily. I beheld the glorious sun arise each morning to renew our joys and pleasures, and every night thousands of stars enamelled the the vault our heads; I also noticed another beautiful luminary, which day by day decreased, and again returned to its first glory by the same degrees. Now I knew from the Scriptures that God inhabited a light which no man could approach unto; and that he dwelt in the third heaven, to which St. Paul had been caught up. I concluded thence that his dwelling place was above the sun, moon. and stars, and that in order to hold him and the celestial court, consisting, as I understood, of an infinite number of angels and glorified saints. I imagined the floor of the third heaven must be of a solid and opaque substance, and the dwelling place of God all resplendent with the light that his glory diffused around him. I concluded that what we saw of the sun, (beauteous as it is) was but a hole in the ceiling of the second and floor of the third heaven, which illuminated us with a faint gleam of that light which shone fully upon the angels and, saints. As to the stars, they were only so many gimblet holes in that part which was opposite to, the sun and most distant from the throne of God. The moon, too, I supposed to be a hole nearly as large as the sun, but situated, like the stars, away from the immediate presence of God. As to her changes, they gave me no trouble. for taking the lid of a pot and sliding it over the top produced exactly the same varied form, and I left the angels of God to slide the round cover over the round hole of the moon according as they they bidden. My only difficulty was to find out how the heavens could turn round without shaking the foundations or pillars upon which David said the earth rested. But if my reason proved unequal to the solution, my faith made up all deficiencies, being confident that to Him who made all things out of nothing, it could not be difficult. In cloudy weather I prayed earnestly to God to lift up his foot from the round hole which gave us light.

I was sent from time to time to divers schools, and at seventeen years of age I had committed to memory vast quantities of Latin, but memory was the only talent that had been cultivated, my understanding and reasoning powers had been suffered to slumber. I became perfectly disgusted with study, and forming about this time an intimacy with a druggist's apprentice, I thought it would be a delightful thing if I could persuade my mother to let me throw aside my books and turn shop-boy. But how to set about it I did not know, for I had been dedicated to the ministry from my birth, and I well knew it would almost break my mother's heart if I were to give it up. I at last resolved to make my sister Ann (the only one unmarried) my confidante. I wrote her a long letter, enlarging upon the length of time I had studied, the little progress I had made, and the poor hopes I had of doing any better in future. I told her I had the greatest reverence for the ministerial office, and looked upon it as the most honorable of all employments, but then, if it was an undertaking beyond my strength, the requisite gifts being deficient, it would only be wasting time and money for me to persevere. After dwelling at length on my incapacity, I wound up by disclosing my secret wish to go into a druggist's shop, and I begged of her to tell it to my mother, as a suggestion of her own, on some very favorable occasion, and by no means to show the letter to her. Notwithstanding all my precaution, my sister felt it to be her duty to make my communication public, and a family council was held as to what was to be done, and it was unanimously decided that the very ingenuity of my arguments to prove incapacity went to establish the fact of its being inclination, and not talent, that was wanting. My mother took it to heart so much, that she absolutely fell sick; but she was determined to keep me at study for some time longer, at any rate. Soon after this struggle for liberty, I was for the first time placed under a tutor who had the art of drawing forth any talent that I might possess. Mr. De 1a Bussiere was a Protestant layman, and very eccentric. He was an excellent Latin and Greek scholar, a pretty poet and a good physician; he was as obstinate as a mule; he drank to excess, but did not commence his potations until the labors of the day were ended. He had ten or twelve pupils, but no boarders; for he and his wife had only one small apartment, which served as kichen, bedroom, and study. He wore a little cloak, once black, now of a reddish brown, threadbare, and always covered with dust. He never used a razor, but when his beard became inconveniently long, he cut it off with scissors. Their slovenly apartment did not contain such a thing as a looking-glass. In short, he was, what in England they call, a mere scholar; he had learning, and nothing else. I began to study under him upon an entirely different plan, and in a short time his explanations and exercises brought into play the stores that memory had laid up, and I was astonished to find that I had acumulated such a mass of materials without knowing how to make use of the until now. We had no holyday except Sunday, and on Monday morning we were required to give a full account of the sermon we had heard on the preceding day. I remained three years with him, and when we parted, both he and I were satisfied with the progress I had made.

He certainly understood human nature, and had the art of guiding others in a remarkable degree. A single word of reproof from him was more grievous to me than the severest punishments infiicted by former preceptors.

My next step was to the college of Guienne, and there great mortification awaited me. Latin was the only language made use of and I had never been accustomed to speak it, (though I was familiar with all the best Latin authors) and I found it impossible to follow the Lecturers. I did not allow myself to be discouraged, but hired the assistance of a private tutor for the hours of relaxation, and by this means I was soon able to keep peace with the Professors; and I may say with truth, that during the two years I remained at college, I spent sixteen hours out of every twenty-four in study. At the age of twenty-two I took my degree of Master of Arts, and of fourteen who passed at the same time, I stood second on the list. Thus, with five years of hard study, I made up in some degree for the previous nine years of negligence. About this time my dear mother ended her life of piety and usefulness.

In France, by law a man is not of age until he has completed his twenty-fifth year, but my brothers, disliking the trouble of managing my property, made me of age, or free, immediately after my mother's decease. My brothers and sisters were all married, and had long ago received the greater part of their portions, so that in making the final division of property, the estates of Jenouille and Jaffe fell to my share.


CHAPTER IV

Study with Mr.Forestier--His persecutions--His wife's firmness-- Return home--Pray with neighbours--Leave to neighbourhood at Easter-- Poor people assemble in the woods--A spy watches them--Warrants issued--A mason taken up--He recants--His repentance--My return home--Warrant against me--Determined to remain and wait the issue-- Grand Provost and Archers appear--Conducted to prison--Obtain permission to pray night and morning in prison.

Having made all necessary arrangements for the management of my property. I went to my brother-in-law Mr. Forestier who was a minister at St. Mesme in Anguomois to prosecute my theological studies, for I had now no other wish than to devote to the glory of God all the talents he had bestowed upon me.

While I was at Mr. Forestier's, a complaint was made that he had received a papist into the communion of the Protestant Church, contrary to the King's edict. Upon this accusation, he was taken to prison on horseback with his legs tied under the horse's belly. If you had but seen the papists of Augouleme collected on the road, in such numbers that I may say they were literally piled up, and they were uttering the most horrid maledictions and throwing stones at him and at us who accompanied him to the prison door; I say, if you had seen them, you would have supposed the prisoner had murdered his father, commited violence on his mother, or attempted the life of the King. Oh my God! to what a horrid pitch of barbarity does the blind zeal of superstition and idolatry carry mankind!

My sister was throughout her trials resigned to His will, who she felt assured, in His infinite wisdom ordered all for the best. After a tedious imprisonment Mr. Forestier appealed to the parliament* of Paris. and was acquitted. The Church of St. Mesme being condemned, he was removed by order of the Synod to Coses in Saintonge, and though it is rather anticipating events, I think I had better finish at once the history of his labours in the ministry, before returning to my own life. The church at Coses having been condemned, the papists in the neighborhood wished to put a stop to divine worship there, even before the day appointed for its destruction arrived, and to accomplish this end, they made some frivolous complaint of Protestants who had recanted having been seen there, and procured a warrant to arrest Mr. Forestier upon this charge. A friend travelled all night from Saintes in order to give him timely notice of the steps that had been taken, and arrived at Coses just as he was ready to go to church on Sunday morning, and tried in vain to persuade him to conceal himself.

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* There were ten Parliaments in the Kingdom of France, they were superior courts of judicature, to which appeal was made from the decision of inferior tribunals. They had no legislative function but that of registering and publishing the Royal Decrees, to which they very rarely raised any objection.
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My sister was appealed to, expecting she would aid in dissuading her husband from going to church; so far from it, she replied with a calm and decided tone; "it is Mr. Forestier's duty to preach to his flock, and it is for God to do as seemeth him good. "

Mr. Forestier turned round triumphantly and said "you see we have no Eve here Sir," and immediately proceeded to church with his family. He preached with his accustomed energy, there was not the slightest visible trace of agitation, and as he descended from the pulpit he was seized by the Archers, taken to the prison of Saintes and thence transferred to that of La Reolle, where the parliament of Bourdeaux then held its sittings. His life was preserved through many dangers by the God whom he served so faithfully, and at last he left France with his wife and younger children, in conformity with the King's Declaration.

It is difficult which to admire most, the husband or the wife, the faith of both shone so triumphantly on these trying occasions, and I can assure you (for I was much with her) that my sister's firmness did not proceed from any deficiency of sensibility; there was no apathy about her. I have known few persons who had stronger affections, but her love for her husband and children was subordinate to her love of God, and when his glory was in question, nothing was too dear to her. Happy couple! their treasure was laid up in heaven, and they could well afford to despise this present life and its enjoyments.

I now return to my own history. I went to Saintes to reside, in order to have the assistance of two able and pious ministers, Mr. Mainard, and Mr. Borillak, in pursuing my theological studies. After a while they also were cast into prison, and I returned home.

My brother Peter had been the minister of my father's parish ever since his death, and about this time, he was seized under a 'lettre de eachet,' and confined in the Castle of Oleron; the church at Vaux was levelled with the ground, and most of the churches in our Province shared the same fate; thus my neighbors could not reach a place of worship without great fatigue; and feeling compassion for them as sheep without a shepherd, I felt myself called upon to invite them to join me in my family devotions. The number who came soon increased to one hundred and fifty, and I then recommended them not to come daily as heretofore. I could prepare myself more suitably to expound the Scriptures, and preach for them, if our meetings did not take place more than two or three times a week. And I suggested to them, that if each family only came once a week, and thus all took their turns, that our meetings being less numerous, would be less likely to attract attention. I also frequently changed our days of assembling, giving previous notice to the people, and we continued this endearing intercourse uninterruptedly during the whole winter. All who attended were personally known to me, and to each other, and all were equally interested in keeping the secret, and my house standing entirely alone was a very favourable circumstance for us.

A rumour prevailed that there were meetings in our parish, and that I was the preacher, but we had no traitor in our ranks, and the papists were unable to discover any thing with sufficient certainty to make a handle of. Some of my friends advised me to cease before we were discovered, but I believed myself to be in the path of duty, and was determined to persevere. Our holy intercourse continued without any drawback till Palm Sunday 1684. I then advised my people to go to some of the few remaining churches in order to receive the communion with their brethren, and I myself went to the other side of the Province, and received the communion both on Palm Sunday and Easter Sunday, and remained from home until ten or twelve days after Easter. On Palm Sunday some of the neighbours came to my house as usual, and not finding me there, they retired to the wood behind my house, and one of their number, a mason by trade, who read very well, officiated as their pastor.. He read several chapters from the Bible, the prayers of the church, and a sermon, and they sang Psalms. This meeting having been open, it was noised abroad, and on Holy Thursday, from seven to eight hundred persons assembled on the same spot, the mason again the pastor; and on Easter day the number increased to a thousand.

A miserable pettifogging Attorney, named Agoust, who had already abjured his religion, lived within four hundred paces of a high road by which many of the people returned home from the meeting, and thinking to ingratiate himself with those in power, he sat at his window to watch them returning, but it was impossible for him to recognise individuals at that distance, the services having continued till after dusk; nevertheless, he made out a list of sixty names, putting down some who were, and some who were not there, and Mr. Mouillere and I were at the head. He knew pretty well who would be likely to attend such a meeting, and that was about as much as he really did know. On the deposition of this single witness (a man of indifferent character at best) before the Seneschal of Saintes, warrants were issued against us. Two or three days before my return home, the Grand Provost and his Archers were sent in search of us. I was absent; the country people, having had timely notice, had hidden themselves in the woods, and after scouring the country over the archers found no one but the poor mason who had officiated. Him they took, fastened him to a horse's tail, and dragged him to Saintes a distance of fifteen miles. They threatened him in all kinds of ways, and assured him he would be hanged as soon as they reached the Capital. It was late when they arrived, too late, they told him, for him to be hanged that night, and that one solitary chance for life yet remained to him, and that was, to recant without delay, for if he once got within the walls of the prison, a hundred religions would not save him from death. They said all that was required of him was to renounce the errors of Calvin, and surely he might do that with a clear conscience, for if Calvin had errors, they ought to be renounced, and if he had none, then nothing was renounced. They did not neglect to set before him the forlorn condition in which his wife and children would be placed by his death; and the poor fellow, what with their threats and their specious arguments, having no one at hand to strengthen him, yielded to the temptation, and abjured the errors of Calvin. He was rewarded by being set at liberty immediately. As soon as I returned home, he came to me, crying like a child, he threw himself on his knees before me, and entreated that I would pray to God for his soul, which he had damned by his own weakness. He related the whole story to me, and told me the torments he had endured ever since and that it was impossible for him to sleep. He viewed his crime with so much abhorrence, and was in such a state of despair, that I saw at once that my duty was not to reprove but rather to try to lead him to the true source for consolation, and I endeavoured to convince him that God's mercy was still open to him. I drew a parallel between him and St. Peter, whom he had imitated, as well in his bitter tears, as in his fall. He once more abjured his abjuration, and asked forgiveness of every one he met for the scandal he had brought upon their holy religion; and I do believe that all who witnessed the remorse of this unhappy man, were by it strengthened in their own faith. God, who can bring good out of evil, shewed them by this sad example that man, with all his cruelties, can inflict no such pain, as God causes to the consciences of those who deny him before men.

I was very sorry that I had not been on the spot to have accompanied the poor man, and to have tried to strengthen him; and understanding that there was a warrant out against me, I rode over to Saintes to ascertain the fact. I waited upon the Lieutenant General, or Seneschal of the Presidency of Saintes, and he had the malice to deny that there was any such warrant out, though he himself had issued it, but he thought that being led to prison by the Grand Provost, and made a public spectacle of, would serve to intimidate me. I saw into the matter, and returned quietly home. During the week I remained there, I was constantly employed, exhorting my neighbours and trying to strengthen their faith, and when I heard that the Provost and Archers were within two leagues of us, I sent messengers into the villages to give them time to hide themselves, but I had determined myself not to shrink from the danger whatever it might be. I made all ready in the evening, expecting them early next day; I gave full directions to my servants, I made up a bundle containing what I should require in the prison, and I prayed most feverently to God for his grace to support me in the step I was about to take, and which I believed I was undertaking for his glory. Some of my friends came to me, and offered me the use of their houses as an asylum, but I refused, saying that I had induced these poor people to jeopard their lives for our holy religion, and that, having been their guide when there was no danger, if I were now to flee, I should consider myself like the shepherd who fled at the sight of the wolf, because he was an hireling. Example, I told them, was more powerful than precept, and that if I were absent, and my poor neighbours abjured their faith for want of a leader to countenance and support them, I should for ever feel that the sin rested on my shoulder. My mind was wonderfully calm, and I slept so soundly that I was only wakened by the noise of the Provost and his Archers knocking at the gate, at break of day. I started suddenly out of my sleep, felt a vague sort of alarm, and trembling from head to foot, and being but half awake, the idea crossed my mind of defending myself with fire-arms which I had in my room. Presently I realized more fully my situation, and calling to mind the resolves of the night before, I fell down upon my knees and prayed for Divine assistance, which appeared to be vouchsafed to me, for I felt almost immediately tranquillized, and I heard with displeasure that my servants were denying that I was in the house. I put my head out of the window, and told them I had made ready for them over night, upon they retreated a little, evidently thinking the preparation I spoke of was defensive; indeed, I heard the Provost order his Archers to be on their guard, for I should probably fire upon them. I told him he was mistaken, and that if he would wait patiently until I was dressed, I would accompany him. As soon as I was ready, I opened the door and showed the bundle I had prepared the night before. The Provost gave me some exhortations about what he considered my duty, namely, to make a recantation in conformity to the King's order. He then left me in charge of two of his Archers, and proceeded with the rest in search of the other persons against whom he had warrants. They scoured the country without finding any of my accomplices in prayer. One poor ploughman was taken up, who felt somewhat embarrassed at suffering persecution without the consolation of having deserved it. He was sent forward to the place of rendezvous with an Archer for his guard, who was one of that tribe of booted Missionaries, who by oaths, threats and cruelties, strove to make converts to his religion.

Hearing that no more prisoners were likely to be brought in, we continued our way, and my companion was greatly comforted by having (at my earnest solicitation)the rope, which tied him to the horse's tail, left long enough for him to walk by my side. When we were approaching the Capital, the Archers told me, with a delicacy rather unusual, that they had positive orders to tie my legs together under the horse, but that if I would drop my cloak down so low as to hide my legs altogether, they would dispense with it. We entered the town of Saintes at 5 o'clock in the afternoon of a day near the end of April 1684, and we formed a spectacle to a crowd composed of two very different classes. The one clapped their hands, jumped for joy, and cried out in loud tones, "Hang them! Hang them!" The other stood aloof and wept. My companion was sadly overcome, but I tried to encourage him, speaking kindly to him, and pressing his hand, which when the papists observed, they redoubled their menaces. The principal Protestants in the place made me a visit of condolence in the prison that very night. I thanked them for their sympathy, and told them they would soon have an opportunity of evincing it by acts, for I felt assured that my poor neighbours would ere long be my companions in prison, and they would then be called upon to contribute to their support. After they had left me, I made a bargain with the gaoler to pay him so much a day for a bed for myself, and for the use of his own private apartment. Now my principal reason for coming to prison (which I could easily have avoided by flight) was to prevent any of my followers, who might hereafter be seized, from changing their religion, and as it would be highly dangerous to speak to them of religion, I determined, without loss of time, to make the only arrangement by which I could hope to be useful to them, and that was, to obtain permission to pray aloud night and morning in the prison, an undertaking which hitherto no minister had attempted, so far as I knew.

After supper, conversing with the gaoler, I told him there was one thing I wished to mention to him, namely, that it was my practice to pray aloud to God night and morning, and that it had become so habitual to me, and was so necessary to my peace of mind, that if I were, debarred from it, he would find me unhappy and morose, and an uncomfortable inmate for him; but that wishing to shew him all due respect, I had no idea of annoying him by praying in our joint apartment, and if he had no objection, I would choose as my altar the corner of the common prison behind the door of our room. He replied rather jocularly that he was like the devil not so black as he appeared to be, and that all my holy water would not make him drop the keys out of his hand. "Very well," said I, 'I am glad we agree so well, you may keep the key of the prison, and I will endeavour to obtain that of eternal happiness.' I went directly to the corner I had named, and kneeling down, I began to pray aloud, without calling any one to join me; but my companion threw himself on his knees at my side, as did also another poor Protestant who was imprisoned for debt. My prayer was chiefly composed of thanksgiving, that among so many faithful servants of God, he had been pleased to select me to suffer persecution for the truth of his Gospel, soliciting his grace to enable me to do my duty in this new sphere. I did not forget to make mention of the choice of Moses rather to suffer persecution with the people of God than to sit upon the throne of Pharaoh, and also the zealous protestations of St. Paul, that neither death nor life, nor principalities, nor powers, should be able to separate him from the love of God, which is in Christ Jesus our Lord. I prayed also for the King, that God would be pleased to put it into his heart to examine the pure faith against which he issued so many edicts, and that he might be changed from its persecutor into its nurse and father. The following morning I went to prayer in the same corner; and continued daily night and morning, and my poor ploughman became confirmed in his faith, and felt so bold that the promises and threats of the Papists no longer disturbed him. The gaoler and his wife being accustomed to deal with haughty turbulent spirits, looked upon me as disordered in my intellects when they found I considered it a privilege to be imprisoned.


CHAPTER V.

Provost and Archers make another tour--Firmness of the poor country people--Twenty brought to prison--Supplied with necessaries by Protestants of Saintes--Attempt to shake their faith--Precantion in anticipation of separation--Indictment against me-- Confrontation-- Recollement--Examination of witnesses--Agoust--Two criminals--Gaoler-- Gaoler's wife--Application to the Seneschal for enlargement--Accusation of King's advocate--Placed in a dungeon--Removed to Town Hall--Proposal to regain freedom by bribery.


When I had been in prison about ten days, the Provost and his Archersset out upon another circuit, and my idea was correct that the country people would no longer flee. They had warning time enough for the timid to retreat to the woods, but more than one hundred and fifty persons met the Provost, and accosted him with the utmost intrepidity, saying: "we have all attended these holy meetings and prayed to God in the woods, and we are ready to justify our conduct." The number who came forward being much greater than those against whom he had warrants, an examination commenced, and those whose names were not on the list were put on one side; after this was done, the remainder was still too large, (the prisons being already filled with Papists who were commited for real crimes,) and the Provost said he would only take twenty. A holy strife then arose amongst these followers of the Lord as to who should be of the number. The Archers were thunderstruck at the scene they beheld. "What are you about?" said they. "Do you set no value upon life? What fury urges you to the gallows? Think for a moment of your wives and children! what will become of them?" They tried every expedient to intimidate them, and swore by all that was sacred that they would only leave the prison for the rack, the gibbet, or at any rate the galleys. They adduced numerous instances of such and such persons, who, for similar offences, had been hanged, broken on the wheel, &c. These words acted upon them like wind upon fire, the more furious and violent were the Archers, the more was the zeal of the people kindled.

At length, by a refinement of cruelty, the Provost determined to leave behind those most anxious to go, and to select those to take with him who appeared least eager.

They were bound together two and two as dogs are coupled for hunting, and fastened to the horse's tails. These poor countrymen betrayed no apprehension, they bade adieu to their wives and children with dry eyes, and the wives themselves, having put their hands to the plough, saw their husbands depart without a murmur, trusting in Him who has promised to be a husband to the widow, and a father to the fatherless.

It was certainly not more than half an hour after their arrival at the prison,when ten beds with all complete and an abundant supper were sent to them; and it deserves to be recorded, that during the whole time of their imprisonment the good Protestants of Saintes took care to supply them with every necessary, and the manna was not more abundant in the wilderness than food in the prison.

Their beds were placed on one side of the large room, apart from the Papists. In the evening I went to prayer as usual, they all knelt around me, and God who has promised his assistance to all who ask in faith, did indeed answer our prayers, for we experienced a holy joy and peace, which cannot be understood by any who have not tasted for themselves. From time to time attempts were made to undermine the faith of these poor people, and induce them to recant, and doctrinal arguments were brought forward which they were unable to answer. I dared not instruct them openly, or even converse with them upon religious subjects, but they would speak among themselves of these difficulties, and as I was walking up and down the large room, I listened to what they were saying, and when the hour of prayer returned, I availed myself of what I had overheard. and I would put up a petition, that if the enemies of the Lord should ask me such and such questions, or make use of such and such arguments, I might receive the Holy Spirit, and be enabled to answer for the faith that was in me in such and such a manner; and thus I contrived to prepare them for the Bishop's chaplain who visited them daily. During three weeks the Bishop and many other Papists were unceasing in their endeavours to cause some of these poor people to fall, but thanks be to God, it was all in vain. At length they found out the secret of our strength, and that prayer was the invincible armour of our faith; and so they determined to remove me thinking that when the poor country men were left to themselves, they might work upon their fears as successfully as they had done upon the reason. I had foreseen this step, and taken precautions accordingly, recommending them to continue praying aloud, one for the rest; and if he also were taken away, another to take the place, so long as even two should be left. For their further encouragement, I told them, that by this expedient it was not improbable that we might be placed together again.

The King's Solicitor had prepared an indictment, consisting of three charges.

1st. I had taught in the prison, and prevented my companions changing their religion.

2nd. I had given offence to the Catholics who were in prison.

3d. I had interrupted the Priest in his celebration of Divine worship.

I have forgotten to mention that there was a small chapel attached to the prison, where the Priest said Mass every morning, and I had selected the same time for our devotions, because the Papists were then generally absent.

Two of the witnesses against me, whose ears had been offended by the Holy name of God being pronounced within their hearing, were men who had waylaid a neighbour on the highway, murdered him and mangled his body, for which crime they were afterwards broken on the wheel. Oh ! how infamous for a Huguenot to attempt to pray to God in the presence of such worthy Catholics, and wound their delicate consciences with his fanatical discourse. Great God ! what times !

Before I was removed, they brought me into Court for examination, and they began first with the offence for which I was originally committed to prison. On these occasions, the accused is permitted to ask the witnesses as many questions as he pleases, in the presence of the Seneschal or President, and the Register; and he has the right to have such answers as he considers favourable to him committed to writing. This is called 'confrontation.' The President on behalf of the King cross-examines both the accused and the witnesses, and has all the answers recorded that he considers of sufficient importance. This is called 'recollement.' And upon this 'confrontation' and 'recollement' all the instructions for the prosecution turn. They are read by judges to the number of twelve or fifteen, who are lawyers of course, and are called counsellors.

At the time of judging, the witnesses are not brought to the bar as in England, but the 'confrontation' and 'recollement' only are produced; and as each witness has been separately examined, without knowing what any other has said, it is a good way of eliciting the truth. It is all important, you must perceive, for the accused to be on the alert to discover, if possible, any falsehood in the witnesses.

The only witness against me was Agoust, who had made oath to seeing me on Easter Day, among the poor people returning from the meeting in the woods. He was, as I have already said, a pettifogging attorney, and consequently, well qualified to support falsehood without contradicting himself. Truth in the end generally triumphs over falsehood, and so it was on this occasion, for I extracted from him at different times, and amidst a host of useless questions, the following replies:

1st. That the time he saw me was in the dusk of the evening.

2nd. That he was standing at his window.

3rd. That I was in Mr. Mouillere's meadow.

4th. That the distance was about a musket shot from where he was standing.

5th. That it was not in my way home from the woods.

You will readily conclude that I only obtained these answers at long intervals, putting many irrevelant questions to him in the mean time, in order to make him lose sight of the inconsistency of his present replies with those already recorded.

The President was out of all patience with me, for consuming his time in asking so many foolish questions. As Agoust had been a Protestant, and had turned Papist to retain his office as attorney, I endeavoured to trouble his conscience, and putting together the above named answer, I said to him; "Miserable wretch that you are, was it not enough that you should deny your baptism and your religion but you must also employ false testimony to tempt those whom God supports by his grace. Now; look at your statements and give the glory to God. You were at your window in the dusk of the evening, and you recognized me at the distance of a musket shot. What sort of eyes do you pretend to have ?" He was much confused at this, and said, "At any rate I thought it was you."

"Write that," said I to the Register.

The President, seeing his prey about to escape him, got into a violent passion, and reproached me with abusing the witness.

"You have perplexed and confused him," said he.

"What" said I "are you sorry that I have forced truth from his lips? I looked up to you as my judge, but I now see reason to fear you as my persecutor.''

I requested the Register several times to write down the last most decisive answer, but he looked for permission to the President, who shook his head. I then insisted that he should write down that the witness no longer said he had seen me, but only that he thought he had seen me.

The President wished to dictate it in modified terms, but I declared that if it were not written down verbatim, nothing should induce me to sign my confrontation, and finally he yielded; I believe, from the fear he entertained of my protesting against his proceedings, which would have been to his great dishonour.

The first blow avoided; you shall now see how I got clear of the dreadful accusation of having prayed to my God in prison. The two witnesses afterwards broken on the wheel were first examined. One of them had been brought up a Protestant, and all he could remember hearing me say was "Our father who art in heaven." The second could not remember even as much as that. The gaoler was the third witness, and his accusation being that I had prevented the recantation of the people. I enquired of him whether he had ever heard me speak to them about religion.

"No," said he.

"Did I even call them to prayers?"

"No."

I asked no more from him.

The fourth witness was the gaoler's wife, and she was expected to prove that I had interrupted the priest in celebrating Mass. She had some talent and was a great bigot, therefore some little dexterity was required in dealing with her.

You must bear in mind that the chapel was separated from the main body of the prison by a little court,. and also that it was on the ground floor, and the common room of the prison was in the second story, and I prayed in the corner of that room most remote from the chapel, and with my back towards it, and in a subdued tone of voice, only just loud enough to be audible to those around me. It would indeed have required lungs much stronger than mine to have made myself heard in the chapel; the President well knew that it was an impossibility; and if there were no other evidence of the falsity of the accusation, the non-appearance of the Priest, (said to have been disturbed) as a witness, would have been sufficient.

When the gaoler's wife came forward, I complained to her of the injustice of the preceding witnesses, and said, that I was sure a devout woman, such as she was, could not have been shocked to see poor people, for whom punishment was in store, humbling themselves before their God, and that as all my expressions were taken from the Holy Scriptures, they could not have given offence to a good Christian like her. She replied, that my words had not given her offence.

That was written.

"However," said I, " you had a much better opportunity of hearing me than any of the other witnesses; do not you remember passing close by my feet one morning when I was praying, as you went from one room to the other?"

She said she remembered it well.

I had that written, almost in spite of the President, who considered it so useless a question. After a few unimportant queries, I asked her if she ever heard me call any one to prayer.

"No," said she, "but as soon as they see you kneel down, they run like wild fire."

I then asked, if she ever heard me forbid these people to change their religion.

"No."

These answers were written.

I then enquired whether she was able to remember a sermon she heard from one of the preachers of her own religion. She was piqued that I should have a doubt on the subject, and answered most unhesitatingly, that she could remember it.

I did not require that to be written, but with humble apology, I begged she would do me the favor to repeat to the President any passages she could remember of my prayers, because I was persuaded that he would esteem me for them, rather than wish me evil.

She was abashed at acknowledging any deficiency in the memory of which she had just now boasted, and said she could not oblige me because I always spoke in so low a tone that she could not hear what I said.

That was written, and I was satisfied.

We both signed the confrontation or rather refutation of the accusation. The witnesses having all contradicted themselves, I told the President that instead of sending me to a worse prison, I had a right to expect that he would enlarge me.

The king's advocate answered, accusing me in an indignant tone of having caused illegal assemblies in the prison.

I answered pleasantly enough that he was wrong in imputing the crime to me, the Grand Provost and his Archers had to answer for that, and I could assure him that if he would open the prison, I would disperse the assembly.

"It is no jesting matter," said he, "you have prevented the conversion of these poor people."

I then spoke with more seriousness, and said "you must perceive by the confrontation that you are mistaken; but for the sake of argument, suppose it to be otherwise; I look upon the conversion of the soul as exclusively the work of the Holy Spirit of God, and that perseverance in our religion cannot be attributed to any mere man, but rather to Him who tries the heart and the reins, and strengthens whom he pleases." "I am ashamed," said I," to plead before Christians as Christians formerly pleaded before Pagans; and now just imagine yourself in the situation of one of us. What would you think of a religion which should impute it to you as a crime, that you had prayed to God out of the deep gulph of your affliction? Would you be disposed to embrace such a religion ?"

He was moved at this appeal, but the President remained inflexible, and said, I must go to the dungeon of the tower of Pons.

I then spoke with warmth and indignation, and told him, that being convinced of my innocence, as I felt persuaded he was, he forgot his duty, and was more inveterate against me than the King's advocate, who in virtue of his office was my persecutor, and I added, that if he thought putting me in a dungeon would prevent my calling upon my Creator, he was much mistaken, for the greater the affliction the more urgent would be my supplications, and that I would not forget in my prayers to beg that God would be pleased to give him repentance and a better mind. He very quietly said, he wanted none of my prayers or lectures, and called to the Sergeant to do his duty.

I was taken to the tower of Pons, and put into a miserable, dark, filthy dungeon at 8 o'clock in the morning. I found it already tenanted by one of the culprits who was awaiting his trial for murder. We had not much conversation. He asked me what was the general opinion of him, and he also wished to know if I could tell him any thing of the mode of examining by torture. I told him that he was believed to be guilty, and the probability was, that if he were so, some one of his companions would confess, and they would all suffer.

"What." said he, "if I go through the torture without confessing, and the others accuse me falsely, shall I be broken on the wheel all the same?"

I said that all particulars might be so circumstantially given, that he would find it impossible to deny any longer.

"Ah Jesu Maria !" he cried out, in such a tone as left me no doubt of his being really guilty. I endeavoured to waken him to repentance, and assured him that God's mercy was still open to him.

He had a curiosity to know what my crime might have been, and upon learning it he said, "Alas, sir, why do not you change your religion ? This is a sad place for one like you."

Poor wretch! I could readily believe that he would have acted up to the advice he gave me; and the probability is, that had he been brought up a Protestant, recantation would now have saved his life. He was next day put to the torture, ordinary and extraordinary: he bore all in silence, nothing could be drawn from him; one of his accomplices confessed, and all three were broken on the wheel.

Owing to the incessant importunity of Mademoiselle De la Burgerie, afterwards wife of Col.de Boisron, I was taken out of this stinking place at nine o'clock the same night. She was well acquainted with the Seneschal, and represented to him in the strongest language the infamy of his proceedings, and she would not rest until he gave her an order for my removal.

My next prison was a very elevated one, it was in a small tower at the top of the town hall of Pons, open to the town clock, circular in its form, and ten or twelve feet in diameter. I procured a small bedstead, three chairs, and a table, and I lived there three months in tolerable comfort. I was to be sure, rather dependent on the caprice of the Seneschal; sometimes he would not allow any person to enter my apartment for eight or ten days; and again, at other times, he would grant admission to any and every body who would pay the porter a few pence. I was visited by many worthy and excellent persons, through whose instrumentality I was enabled to send prayers, copied by unknown hands, suited to the condition of my dear fellow sufferers in the prison; and I had the satisfaction of learning that they persevered in their daily devotions, and not one of them was persuaded to recant.

It is worth mentioning that my solitude was never disturbed by Bishop, Jesuit, Priest, or Monk, though they never allowed a day to pass without visiting my companions. No one ever proposed to me to change my religion; so true is it that if you resist the devil he will flee from you.

It was hinted to me again and again, that I might let myself out with a silver key, but as I had only entered the prison for the benefit of my poor neighbours, I was determined not to quit it by means entirely out of their reach. I had also another reason, which alone would have been sufficient to make me decline this plan; namely, that it would hold out an inducement to the avaricious Seneschal to treat other Protestants with severity in order to extort money from them. My advocate, Mr. Maureau, and some other friends were anxious to take the matter upon themselves, and so arrange it as not to cost me a farthing, but I scorned the proposal, and assured them that if they dared to take such a step without my consent, I would proclaim publickly that the President had taken money to enlarge me.


CHAPTER VI.

Trial before the Presidency--A digression--My defence--Angry discussion with the President--Query--My reply--Sentence.


The month of August had come round by the time that the process was read; to be brought before the Presidency in the Hall of Justice.

In this court the prisoner is not allowed to have an advocate to plead for him, but has to appear alone. The door is locked and guarded by Archers. The President sits in the centre, the Judges or Counsellors on each side, the Register remains in the lower part of the Hall, and the prisoner is usually seated near him on a three legged wooden stool, as a mark of disgrace. There is a saying in France, "he has sat upon the stool," which is tantamount to the English phrase, "I have seen him hold up his hand at the bar."

The testimony recorded in the confrontation is read to the accused, and he is asked if it be correct, and if the signature attached to it be his. The Judges then examine him more fully, and if it be a case admitting of appeal to Parliament, the answers are recorded. The examination finished, the accused is taken back to prison, and the sentence of the court, in writing is sent to him by a sheriff's officer.

In preparing myself, I thought much more of my poor neighbours than of myself; because I was really innocent of the charge in the indictment, they were not; and without the assistance of an advocate I was somewhat apprehensive about them, and I determined, if I had an opportunity, to say something that might be useful, either in softening the hearts of the Judges, or alarming their consciences. as might appear most expedient when the time came. I prayed most fervently to God for his assistance.

I will make a digression here, which you will presently perceive is not altogether irrelevant to the subject. My apartment under the Town Clock looked into the court yard of one of my Judges. He was a very passionate man and addicted to gambling though said to be an able jurist. Two or three days before my trial I was awakened out of my sound sleep at midnight, by this man swearing and making the most horrible noises; he had just returned home after losing a round sum of money in play, and mad with vexation, he was venting his rage upon his innocent wife and children. I thought I heard blows, but of that I was not sure.

To return to my trial. When I entered the Hall of justice, the Register civilly offered me the three legged stool: I declined it, saying, I was no criminal to deserve the disgrace. He then attempted to force me upon it, which the Court observing, ordered him to desist, and one of the Judges smiling said, "Mr. Fontaine is a young man, and he might miss a good match by it."

I made a profound bow.

I was asked whether I had not prayed to God in the wood on Easter Sunday.

I said "No, and I can produce any number of witnesses to prove an alibi, if you will allow me; I spent that day at Coses."

Little was said about my crime in prison, because I acknowledged unhesitatingly that I had prayed there, but not with my full voice.

After some other questions, they asked me if I did not know that his Majesty had issued a Declaration forbidding illegal assemblies. I thought that God had now opened the door for me to urge something on behalf of my fellow prisoners, and I said;--

"Gentleman; I am aware of it. and I have read the Declaration most carefully over and over again, and I can find nothing in it which forbids people assembling to pray to God. I look upon it as the height of injustice to his Majesty, to pretend that he calls such assemblies unlawful, and you who are the interpreters of his Declaration ought to have more respect for him, and for your own reputation as Christians, than to give it so bad an interpretation as to call those assemblies illegal, to which no arms are carried but the Old and New Testament, and where no words arc spoken but such as find an echo in the sacred volume, and where prayers are offered for the prosperity of the King and his kingdom and for the conversion of those who persecute the Church of Christ."

An interruption occured here; my advocate, Mr. Maureau, had been listening at the door, and thinking I was too bold, he put his mouth to a crevice, and cried "Hist, Hist, Hist," and ran away. The door was opened, but the offender was not to be found, so they contented themselves with guarding it more carefully. This incident roused the attention of my Judges, and hoping to draw me into some unguarded expression which might be made a handle of, they encouraged me to proceed, which I did as follows :--

"Illegal assemblies, gentlemen, it appears to me, are assemblies where something is done contrary to law, such as tumultuously assembling in arms to conspire against the state; and I see none other to which it can be applied without losing sight of the correct meaning of words; but if we were to extend its application, it is evident it should be to those meetings held in summer on Sunday evenings, where they play, dance on the green, quarrel with one another, and blaspheme their Maker on his appointed day of rest. Such assemblies might perhaps fall within the meaning of the Declaration, however I do not hear of any one being taken up for attending them, while the prisons are filled with those whose only crime has been praying to God. In the name of all that is sacred, Gentlemen, how dare you give such an interpretation to his Majesty's Declaration without trembling to think of the wrath of the King of Kings? You who assemble nightly at balls, where they dance, speak evil of their neighbours, and squander their money, and perhaps lose in gambling that which is wanted to support their wives and children, and return home to be a burden where they ought to be a blessing. You, I say, who are now sitting in judgment upon others, will one day stand before the just Judge of all the world, and in that awful day, think you that He will condemn those who have worshipped Him in spirit and in truth, or those who have frequented your assemblies?"

"Aha!" cried the President "your rebellious spirit breaks out at last, you not only sermonize and reproach us, but you say the King issues Declarations wherein he forbids assemblies where they pray to God, and permits those in which the Divine Majesty is blasphemed. Register; that is the sense of his reply, write it down"

"It is not;" said I.

He then rose up in great anger, and said; "I am void of understanding if it mean anything else."

Some of the Judges more calm, said, they had better listen to what I had to say.

This was politic on their part, because an appeal to Parliament was open to me, and if I would not sign my name to the answers recorded, they might get into trouble, and be obliged to verify on oath every word they had made the Register write as coming from me.

"Gentlemen," said I, "the sense of what I did say I take to be this; that the King by his Declaration of such a date never meant to prohibit assemblies where they pray to God, but much rather balls, and Sunday evening assemblies for dancing on the green, and more especially those wherein they conspire against the state."

"No," said the President "that is not it."

"Well, gentlemen,” said I, "to put an end to the dispute, I am very willing to dictate verbatim to the Register all that I have said;" and I was about to begin.

"What !" cried the President, "that long sermon over again, no; that would be rather beyond endurance.

At last, in order to save the trouble of the long reply, they consented to take the the following as the tenor of it.

"According to my judgment, the Declaration of his Majesty of such a date does not forbid assemblies where they only pray to God, and I think those who extend its application so far, depart from the intention of his Majesty." This was written, and I signed the document.

The President, by way of showing my stubbornness (as he called it) to the Court, then said to me, "Mr. Fontaine, we have no more questions to put to you as an accused person, but merely as a matter of curiosity, I wish to know from you whether you think a private individual, we will say, a mechanic, for instance, can understand the Holy Scriptures as well as the learned Doctors and Councils?"

I answered, "I must make some discrimination before I reply to your query. Suppose the individual in question should be blessed with the Holy Spirit, and the Doctors and Councils should not, (which I think very possible) then I am of opinion the former would understand the sacred volume the best, because the same Spirit, by which the Scriptures were dictated, is necessary for their correct understanding. Our blessed Lord and his poor fishermen found themselves opposed by the Scribes and Pharisees at Jerusalem. And to come nearer to our own days, Luther and Calvin to a certainty, understood the Scriptures better than all the Popes, Cardinals, and Councils put together.”

At these words they all arose, crying out, "Jesu Maria! what infatuation!"

"Ere long, gentlemen," said I, "we shall all be summoned to leave this vain world, and we shall then see whose has then been the infatuation."

I was taken back to prison, and my companions succeeded me in the Hall of Justice.

The sermon, which it was reported I had preached to the Court, made a great noise in the place, it was the topic of conversation equally among Papists and Protestants, each dressing it up according to their own fashion. The Judges themselves said I had put the rope round my own neck. I received visits and letters of condolence from many of the principal Protestants, and they all blamed me for my indiscretion, but they did not know how cautiously I had expressed myself; and when I told them the whole truth, and the form in which my answers had been recorded, they no longer reproached me.

I appealed to Parliament before I had even read the sentence of the Presidency, which was handed to me next day. I was sentenced to pay a fine of a hundred livres to the King for having prayed in prison, and declared for ever incapable of exercising any function of the Holy Ministry.

My companions were condemned to make the "amende honourable," to be banished from the Province for six months, to pay all expenses and one hundred crowns in specie; and a further fine of six thousand francs was laid upon us all, collectively and individually. The object of the last clause was to squeeze the money out of me, as I was the only one in circumstances to pay it. I tendered the hundred livres imposed upon me individually, and then demanded my enlargement, or at any rate the liberty of going in and out of the prison. This was refused, therefore I was under the necessity of calling upon my friends to present my request to Parliament.


CHAPTER VII.

Appeal to Parliament--Copy of factum--President's observations upon it--Sentence reversed--Register refuses copy of the decree--Apply for redress--Return home.

The Parliament of Bourdeaux, or rather of Guienne, then held its sittings at La Reolle; and by its order we were removed to the prison of that town, which was so full that the gaoler, contented with his entrance fee, allowed us to go and come on "parole" as we pleased. This was very advantageous to me, giving me the opportunity of making personal application to Parliament, proving my own innocence, and exposing the injustice of the Presidency of Saintes, which I hoped to exhibit in its true colours.

I had my factum printed, of which the following is a true and faithful copy.

"FACTUM."

"James Fontaine is accused of two things. The one of being found in the assemblies held in the wood of Chatelars near Royan, and the other of having been heard praying to God, in the prison of Saintes. With regard to the first accusation, it is based upon the testimony of only one witness, named Agoust, who made affidavit to having seen him at the distance of one hundred paces from his own house, and two hundred paces from the place where the assemblies were said to have been held. At the confrontation this witness admitted that he only thought he had seen him from a window, and that too, in the dusk of the evening, at a distance of three or four hundred paces; and upon the strength of such testimony as this, the said Fontaine has been confined four months in the prisons of Saintes, which are extremely rude in their accommodations. The charge of praying to God rested upon the evidence of four witnesses, who contradicted themselves upon cross-examination, and it appeared that the said Fontaine merely knelt down in a corner of the prison, and spoke in so low a tone that the gaoler's wife, after acknowledging that she passed within one pace of him when he was kneeling down, was not able to repeat a single word of what he had said. After the breviate of the case was completed, the Seneschal in the most extraordinary manner refused to judge, and the said Fontaine was obliged to take legal steps in consequence; and after four months delay, the Attorney general's deputy, recognising the injustice of the proceeding, called for further enquiry and the sentence resulting therefrom is the subject of the present appeal. The said Fontaine has been declared guilty of contravening the King's Edict, and has been condemned to pay a fine of a hundred livres, and declared for ever incapable of exercising the functions of candidate or of Minister. The said Fontaine appealed. He tendered the sum of one hundred livres (the fine imposed upon him) to be set at liberty, this was refused--but he has since obtained permission to go in and out upon condition of returning to the prison.

"This is a brief statement of facts, and the said Fontaine now proceeds to justify his appeal. In the first place the testimony of a single witness is not sufficient under any circumstances, and the witness in question merely testified to seeing him on the highway, and not at the place of meeting, and confessed afterwards that he only thought he had seen him. A witness to be depended upon should speak with certainly, and not by credit vel non credit any more than hearsay. And it can be proved that the said Fontaine was at Coses, distant three leagues, on the day and at the hour named by the witness. As to the second accusation; who would condemn a man for praying in prison? The very situation would lead a Christian to pray more frequently and fervently. In order to convict him he should be proved to have used words admitting of evil construction; so far from it, all that appears is that he was on his knees, in a remote corner of the prison, and one witness heard him say, "Our father who art in heaven." The said Fontaine concludes that having made this just appeal, the former decision will be declared null and void."

"Monsieur de Labourin, Reporter."

"Signed. Dumas. Attorney."

Presented 6th. August 1684.

When I presented this factum to the President of the Parliament, I said to him, " My Lord, I here present you with a true statement of facts, and if you find the least discrepancy or exaggeration when you compare it with the evidence which will be brought before you, I am willing not only to have the sentence of the Seneschal confirmed, but you may increase the penalties as much as you please."

He read it with attention, and said he could scarcely imagine it was correct, for what inducement could the Seneschal have had for acting thus.

"My Lord," said I, "his is the spirit of avarice, which he hides under a specious display of false zeal; for he only joined me in the sentence with the poor people to make sure of the fine and costs; I can assure you that the fees, which are his perquisite, have been levied with an unsparing hand."

The form of proceeding before Parliament is the same as before the Presidency. When I entered the Hall, the stool was offered to me as before; I looked towards the President, and he kindly exempted me from the opprobium. I was treated most respectfully, no unnecessary questions were asked, and I received full justice. I obtained a final decision, reversing the sentence of the Presidency of Saintes, and acquitting me entirely. My poor neighhours for form's sake, were banished from the province for six months. The Seneschal of Saintes was ordered to restore me the hundred livres that I had deposited, and he was prohibited from receiving fees on this, or any future occasion, where the King was the prosecutor. Two grievous blows for the Seneschal.

In order to obtain my liberty, and recover the fine, I must produce a copy of the decree. The Register said that twenty-one copies would be necessary, one for each of us, which would have been very expensive. He knew well that on exhibiting one to the gaoler, he would let us all out of prison and therefore, (loving money) he refused to let me have my copy unless I paid him for the twenty-one.

I complained of this delay to the Lord President, and he told me to command the Register from him to furnish me with a copy, paying only for that single one.

I went gladly with this order, but the chief Register was so great a man that he interfered but little in the business of his office, and he sent me to his deputy, one Cardon, who said it was none of his business. I returned to the chief Register, for I did not begrudge my steps, and he told me that Cardon had better speak to the President. For several days I was kept on the move from one to the other without any prospect of redress, and I then began to see into the object of all this delay. This day was the last of the Court sitting before the Christmas holydays, and the Register and his deputy thought that the Lords of Parliament once dispersed, they would keep us in prison during the whole holydays, unless I would pay for the twenty-one copies.

I determined to make a desperate effort, and writing my grievance on a slip of paper, I managed to get in at the door during the absence of the Serjeant, and appeared before the Parliament, with the petition in my hand. Cardon, who was there, called the Serjeant, hoping to have me carried to prison for my intrusion.

Fortunately the President saw me, and called out, "Mr. Fontaine, have you not got your deed yet?"

"No indeed," my Lord, "what does it benefit me to have found favour in your eyes, and that you have done me justice, when it is in Mr. Cardon's power to prevent my obtaining the necessary record of it? Parliament once prorogued, he will leave me to rot in a dungeon; and foreseeing this, I have in my despair, made bold to enter, and throw myself at your feet as a supplicant for justice."

The President, extremely indignant, called out, "Mr. Cardon, how dare you disobey my orders? What have you to say to prevent my punishing you as you deserve?"

He began a shuffling excuse about not having received instructions from the chief Register.

I was on the point of contradicting him, but one of the Judges, who was my friend, put his finger upon his lips to show me that I ought to remain silent; and I presently saw it was for the best, because the President's anger was only increased by an apology setting at naught his authority.

"And so, Mr. Cardon, my order is a dead letter, unless confirmed by the Register! If you know your duty no better than that, it is time for me to have done with you."

Cardon, in dismay, begged pardon with all humility, and assured the Parliament he would attend to the matter instantly.

The President, turning to me, said "Sir, if you cannot get your deed today, come and tell me; and when you have received it, let me know how much you have paid for it."

I made a low bow and retired, very well pleased.

I waited patiently for the adjournment of Parliament, and asked Mr. Cardon as he came out to give me the deed. He said he was going home to dinner, but as soon as he had dined I should have it. I followed him to his mansion, and he perceiving it, recommended me to go and get my own dinner. I told him I was determined neither to eat nor drink till I was possessed of the deed; and I waited patiently outside of his door for two hours, and seeing neither him nor the deed, I knocked; a footman opened the door a very little way, so that I could not possibly get in, and told me his master was out; nevertheless I retained my position, and saw several persons admitted. At last, two well fed Franciscan Friars, coming to the door, I followed them in unobserved, and keeping close in the rear I managed to get into the office, and waiting until their business was finished, I rose to my full height as they disappeared, and stood like a ghost before Cardon.

"What devil has brought you here?" said he.

I replied that I came under the auspices of the good fathers who were just gone.

He handed me the deed, and I gave him in gold the one and twentieth part of the sum he had demanded for furnishing the full number. To my surprise, he returned me five or six crowns.

"How is that? Are you satisfied?" said I.

"No," said he, with much asperity of manner, nor shall I be until I see you with a rope round your neck."

"When people are hung," said I for "praying to God, I shall have reason to be afraid, and you will be able to sleep in peace."

I took the deed to the gaoler, and he thereupon released us all from our "parole" and we were at full liberty.

I should not have dwelt upon this subject at so much length, but for the purpose of showing you how many difficulties we had to contend with; every one seemed to think he had a right to impose upon a Protestant, even down to a Register's clerk.

From this detail you should learn to stand up with firmness and use every energy you are possessed of to overcome obstacles, and not sit down quietly as some do to complain of fatigue and rebuffs, and make no effort. Remember, God has promised his blessing to the diligent hand as well as the upright heart.

In the course of the day I called to take leave of my Lord the President, and to thank him for all his kindness, and then quite victorious I turned my steps towards Saintes. I made the Seneschal refund the hundred livres already named, and once more I set foot within my own dwelling. The expences I had incurred during my imprisonment amounted to two thousand livres.

Most of the poor people returned quietly to their own homes, which was winked at, and they received presents from charitable disposed Protestants to an amount that made ample amends for the labor which had been lost to their families.

The history of our imprisonment spread far and wide, and I received letters of congratulation from many distinguished individuals, members of the reformed church, amongst others from the Marquis de Rouvigny, father of Lord Galaway.

Mr. Benoist gives an account of our trial and imprisonment in his "History of the Edict of Nantes." You will find it in the third part of the third volume.


CHAPTER. VIII.

Persecution of 1685--Meeting of ministers and elders--My opinion opposed to the majority--Meeting of Protestants at Royan--Mr.Certani dissuades numbers from emigration--lnterview with him--Gloomy forebodings-- Departure of many persons--Dragoons appear--Leave home--Visit sisters-- Traverse the country--Place bethrothed in safety.


The year 1685 opened with a bitter spirit of persecution, far beyond all that had proceeded it. There was no longer the slightest semblance of justice in the forms of proceeding, the dragoons ravaged and pillaged without mercy, resembling in their progress a lawless and victorious army in an enemy's country. In the history of past ages we look in vain for any record of such cruelties as they inflicted upon the unoffending and unresisting Huguenots. They were accountable to nobody, for their acts, each dragoon was a sovereign judge and an executioner, and he who had ingenuity enough to invent any new species of torture was sure of applause, and even reward for his discovery.

Early in the year I received an invitation to attend a meeting of Ministers and Elders to consult upon what ought to be done at the present crisis. The number assembled was about twenty five. As I was only a Candidate and not a Minister, I had no right to be present, still less to give an opinion at such a meeting, but my deportment in prison had gained me so much reputation, that young as I was, the Ministers requested me to give them my views.

I pointed out to them the error I thought they had been guilty of, in preaching as they did, the doctrine of non-resistance from their pulpits, and I added that it appeared to me that our quiet submission to all the King's grievous Declarations had encouraged him to go on. Obedience to one edict only paved the way to another still more intolerable, and that we might blame the timid policy of the day for much that we had suffered. I totally dissented from the generally received doctrine, that our lives and our property belonged to the King, and I looked upon it as reflecting discredit on our ancestors, who had obtained for us, sword in hand, the privileges which were now taken away. In short, I thought there was nothing left for us but to take up arms, and leave the issue to the Lord of Hosts.

I was listened to thus far with impatience, and they then rebuked me, telling me I had none of the Spirit of the Gospel, which was patient and long-suffering, and at the utmost extremity permitted nothing but flight.

I replied that we were men as well as Christians, and that as men, we had rights to maintain; and if a compact entered into with our fathers, in virtue of which they had laid down their arms, was broken, we were certainly called upon to enforce its fulfilment, if necessary, at the point of the sword. I entreated them to reflect that this immense Protestant population could not all flee.

I was again interrupted, but I begged they would allow me to say one word more; and I solemnly called upon them to think of the thousands of souls that would be eternally ruined, unable to support persecution they would yield to the tempter, but put arms in their hands and they would willingly hazard life for the truth. They looked upon me rather with compassion as an impetuous, headstrong, young man, and thought my advice altogether unworthy of consideration.

When the dragoons made their appearance in our Province, it was with orders to over-run all the other districts before they visited the coast, and the idea prevailed that sailors were to be spared.

The Intendant of Rochfort sent a letter to Royan recommending us to change without dragoons. A large meeting was held to deliberate upon a suitable answer to this smooth letter. My voice was in favour of resistance, and I said I was convinced we could possess ourselves of Rochfort and Brouage in one week.

They would not listen to me, and I verily believe, that nothing short of the general respect entertained for our family would have prevented some who heard me from giving information.

The answer returned was, that they would obey the King in every thing that was consistent with their duty to God, but nothing should induce them to change their religion.

They told a very different story when the dragoons really showed themselves amongst them, for the principal men proved arrant cowards, and trod upon one another, trying, who could get into the Church first, to make recantation. It was amongst the county people that the most unshaken faith was found. Before the dragoons appeared, a good many sailors embarked with their families, and crowds followed to the sea shore to accompany them if room could be found for them. It was on this occasion that a Mr. Certani, the Catholic Priest of Royan (a sensible and respectable man) went down to the shore and dissuaded many from embarking, promising that Royan should not be visited by dragoons, the King loving his brave seamen too well to allow them to be disturbed.

And to give additional weight to his advice, he added that if what he had said was not true, they were welcome to burn him alive in his house. Some allowed themselves to be persuaded to chance their plan. I was not at home on that day, and when I heard of it on my return, I went to Mr. le Cure and told him I came to bid him farewell, for I was certain the dragoons would soon be in our parish, and I did not mean to trust myself to their tender mercies, if I could help it.

He urged me to do as many others had done, appear to change, which would answer every purpose.

I answered, that I could not lull my conscience sufficiently to take such a step as that.

He then told me in confidence that he was himself overwhelmed with grief at the state of affairs; he feared the just judgements of God would overtake the Catholics for forcing people to approach the altar without faith, and partake of that holy sacrament which should only be received by the sincere in heart.

"I fear," said he, "war, famine, and pestilence! War! what is more probable than that the princes, with whom so many Huguenots have taken refuge should be aroused to avenge them of their persecutors? Famine! for who will cultivate our fields? all our young people are leaving us, and what an army may be raised for our adversaries out of these brave young men whom we are driving away. Pestilence may naturally be expected to tread on the heels of famine. And who can say that we do not deserve these scourges of the Almighty for our profanation of his Holy Altar."

This prophecy of the Cure was literally fulfilled, though he did not live to see more than its commencement. The veteran army of France, formidable to the whole world, had been every where victorious till it made war upon the Saints, and then it experienced the most gloomy reverses. The soldiers appeared to be shorn of their strength and God took from them their ancient valour. The glory of Louis, whose ambition aspired to universal monarchy, departed from him when he raised his hand against God's elect, and he lived to reap his reward in seeing himself despised as he deserved to he. Famine and poverty covered the land, the gold and the silver disappeared and its place was supplied by a species of enchanted paper, which still remains in their portfolios to remind them of all that they have lost. And pestilence also has overtaken that doomed and wretched nation. France! miserable France! my country, wilt thou never open thine eyes and unstop thine ears and understand, the language in which God has spoken to thee? So long as his faithful sevants were cherished in thy bosom, his blessing was upon thee, as it was upon Abinadab while the ark rested in his house; but thou hast driven them forth with cruelties unheard of. and thy prosperity has departed with them. The floods have gone over thee, O that thou wouldest return to the Almighty and confess thy sins, and cease to forbid his true and pure worship; and his blessing would return to thee, and thy days would be bright, and prosperity would again appear within thy borders.

Sympathy for my dear native land has carried me away from my conversation with Mr. Le Cure. To resume, I begged him not to draw upon himself the just indignation of an injured and infuriated community. He deceived himself, I told him, if he really believed as he had asserted that the dragoons would not come.

"If they do come," said I. "recollect the penalty you will have to pay, you have given the people permission to burn you in your house. Now I solemnly declare to you, that I have this day heard a man (a stranger to me) swear by all that he held sacred, that if you had used deceit, he would roast you alive and carry the news to Holland."

He turned pale at this, and said he had expressed himself so strongly, in consequence of the promise he had received from the Intendant of Rochfort that the dragoons should not come; and he took out his letter and gave it to me for perusal.

"Sir," said I "how came you to make yourself answerable for the Intendant? Suppose he should not keep his word with you. Now as a friend I beseech you, go to the people before it is too late, and retract what you have said, show the letter to them, and they can attach what credit they like to it."

He thanked me for my advice and availed himself of it, going down at once to the sea shore. During three days after this interview great numbers embarked, and on the fourth the dragoons* made their appearance. All who were left and did not mean to recant, fled and concealed themselves in the woods.

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* The Protestants lost most of their strong places during the reign of Louis XIII, and the remainder in that of Louis XIV, so that they were entirely at the mercy of the King, and he promised to secure to them liberty of conscience, and he kept his word until his latter days, when he began to think more upon religious subjects, and under the influence of Madame de Maintenon, and his Confessor La Chaise, he determined to convert all the Protestants in his dominions to Catholicism. Colbert, the Minister of Finance, though a Catholic himself, estimated at its real value the superior industry of the Huguenots, and he opposed violent measures successfully so long as he lived. After his death in 1683, the monarch had no one to restrain him, and the bigotted counsels of the Confessor and the Chancellor Le Tellier and his son strengthened his own resolves. Almost all the noblemen and courtiers recanted, and Louis thought he had only to say the word, and their example would be followed throughout his dominions. Missionaries were appointed, and furnished with large sums of money to make converts, they gave in flattering reports of their success; but this method was thought too expensive, and a cheaper plan was to be tried. All Protestants were excluded from public office, children were allowed to recant at the age of seven years, and severe penalties were enacted against relapse. This caused emigration, and those in power opened their eyes wide enough to perceive that in the departure of seamen and artisans they were losing many of their most valuable subjects, and to put a stop to it they
issued an edict prohibiting emigration on pain of death.

The Protestant Churches were next ordered to be demolished, and no less than 700 were destroyed even before the revocation of the edict of Nantes. The last measure adopted was that which has been known by the name of
'dragooning,'* and if we had not the most undoubted testimony on the subject, it would be impossible to believe that such horrors could have been perpetrated under the mask of the Christian religion.

* We believe that the use of the word dragoon as a verb, implying, to abandon to the rage of the soldiery, is actually derived from the cruelties practiced during these persecutions.
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I left my house at midnight never to return to it, with my valet, and a horse for each of us, and a portmanteau. I was well armed, and I resolved, if I did encounter the dragoons, to sell my life as dearly as possible. My house was amply furnished, and I had removed nothing. Two hours after my departure, eighteen dragoons took possession of it, and lived there until they had consumed or sold every thing they could lay hands upon, even to the locks and bolts of the doors.

I rode rapidly forward, choosing bye-ways with which I was well acquainted in that part of the country. At break of day, approaching Jermosacq I met a body of soldiers who had compelled the people remaining in that place to do the duty of the times (as it was called,) and they were hastening elsewhere to make more conversions. They came upon me so suddenly and unexpectedly that I had no time to retreat, and I knew that if I were recognised it would go very hard with me, but I thought it best to ride boldly forward and salute them as I passed. My horses were noble animals, worthy of carrying a general officer and his aid de camp; I had scarlet housings with black fringe, and holsters for my pistols, and though I was dressed in black, I had taken the precaution of putting on a large periwig, and crepe upon my hat in order to evade the suspicion that might otherwise have attached to my dress. The officers (thanks be to God for it) took me for a country gentlemen, and returned my salutation very civilly.
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A day was appointed for the conversion of a certain district and the dragoons made their appearance accordingly, they took possession of the Protestants' houses, destroyed all that they could not consume or carry away, turned the parlours into stables for their horses, treated the owners of the houses with every species of cruelty, depriving them of food, beating them, burning some alive, half roasting others and then letting them go, tying mothers securely to posts and leaving their sucking infants to perish at their feet, hanging some upon hooks in the chimnies and smoking them with wisps of wet straw until they were suffocated, some they dipped in wells, others they bound down and poured wine into them through a funnel until reason was destroyed, and many other tortures were inflicted, some even more horrible than the above named.
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The first stoppage I made was at the house of my Aunt Jaguald (my mother's sister,) she had not changed her religion, but her son had done so, to escape dragooning. I spent one day and night with her, and strove to strengthen her faith, and I have reason to believe that she remained firm to the day of her death.

I went next to Jonzac where I had two married sisters living, and sad to relate, they had both recanted to avoid the dragoons. I continued my route, extremely depressed towards St. Meslars to visit my youngest sister Anne, and there my heart was cheered to find her firm in faith, even though her husband had changed his religion; and she never rested until she persuaded him to leave France with her. After several days of sweet and delightful converse with this dear sister, I went to St. Mesme to see Mr. Forestier and my sister Mary, but they had already fled.

Wherever I went I tried to do some good, strengthening those who were firm, and denouncing those who had fallen, trying if possible to persuade them to abjure their abjuration. It was most distressing to see what numbers had made shipwreck of their faith. Many persons, who had suffered persecution, lost all their property, and still did not yield to the tempter, fell victims at last to the evil counsels of false friends, who persu